The conspectus of the entire research would be that the micro credit program of BRAC did not have much positive impact on the quantity and quality of meals of the poor, spending of money on Eid, puja and other festive occasions, ownership of utensils and livestock and ownership of land by the V.O members. On the other hand, according to the V.O members who I interviewed averred that micro credit program had contributed significantly in the condition of dwellings, increasing savings but without easy access to it, creating employment opportunities for women (although most of the V.O members were inclined to give the money to their husbands), reducing domestic violence and in ensuring locomotive autonomy of women, which I called ‘deluge effect’. Despite such marked improvement in these spheres, there was a high drop out rate from the micro credit program of BRAC, because of the mercenary actions of the BRAC staffs. The micro credit program of BRAC also changed considerably the interaction process of the poor and the elite, the voting behaviour of the poor V.O members, decision making pattern of women in economic sphere and regarding marriage and education of their children. But the organizational aspect of the V.O members remained completely unaffected by the micro credit program, for BRAC imparted the V.O members the distorted version of the conscientization approach of Paulo Freire (1968), to make them aware of social injustices without upsetting the existing status quo. They did so to inculcate false consciousness in their minds, so that horizontal solidarity (after Foucault’s, 1977 ‘horizontal conjunction’) of these social actors doesn’t reach the boiling point of power that may endanger the existence of the privileged section of the society. Moreover, the worldviews of the poor V.O members resembled more the ‘emancipation model’ than the ‘survival model’ which might be attributed to the micro credit program of BRAC, but that did not imply that they were not fatalistic anymore.
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